*Freedom At Midnight | Book Introduction*

*நள்ளிரவில் சுதந்திரம் பெற்றோம்**; **இன்னும் விடியவே இல்லை.*

*We got freedom at midnight; yet the sun did not rise. *

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Freedom at Midnight is a meticulously researched and vividly written book
that provides a comprehensive account of the intricacies surrounding
India's struggle for independence from British rule, culminating in the
momentous event of its partition and the creation of India and Pakistan in
1947. Co-authored by Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre, this historical
narrative offers readers a deep insight into the lives and actions of the
key figures, political maneuvers, socio-cultural dynamics, and the immense
human toll of this transformative period in India's history. The authors
commence the book by delving into the life of one of the most prominent
leaders of the Indian independence movement, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi,
popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi. By establishing the backdrop of Gandhi's
philosophy of nonviolent resistance, the book sets the tone for the
narrative to come. From there, Collins and Lapierre paint a rich and
detailed picture of the political landscape, introducing readers to other
pivotal figures such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and Lord
Mountbatten, who played crucial roles in shaping India's destiny. The book
not only explores the political machinations, negotiations, and agreements
that led to the partition of India but also delves into the socio-cultural
complexities that underpinned this tumultuous period. The authors shed
light on the religious conflicts, communal tensions, and mass migrations
that accompanied the division of the subcontinent along religious lines,
resulting in one of the largest and bloodiest forced displacements in
history. They provide heart-wrenching accounts of the violence, suffering,
and loss experienced by millions of people caught in the midst of the
partition. In addition to documenting the political and social aspects of
this critical period, Freedom at Midnight meticulously examines the broader
context of India's struggle for freedom. The authors chronicle the impact
of World War II on India's fight for independence, the divide and rule
policies implemented by British colonial rulers, and the growing civil
unrest and calls for self-determination. The book paints a comprehensive
picture of the series of events and circumstances that ultimately led to
the end of British dominance in the subcontinent. What sets Freedom at
Midnight apart is its narrative style, which seamlessly weaves together
historical facts, personal anecdotes, and eyewitness accounts. The authors
skillfully bring the characters to life, providing the reader with a deep
understanding of their motivations, dilemmas, and emotions. Through
captivating storytelling, Collins and Lapierre make the history accessible
and engaging, ensuring that readers are not only informed but also
emotionally invested in the narrative. Freedom at Midnight stands as a
monument to the indomitable spirit of a nation and the sacrifices made by
countless individuals who fought for their country's freedom. It is a
compelling work that not only educates but also inspires empathy and
reflection on the complexities of decolonization, power, and the enduring
legacy of partition. With its well-researched content, powerful
storytelling, and vivid descriptions, Freedom at Midnight is an essential
read for anyone seeking a comprehensive understanding of India's journey
towards independence and the poignant events that shaped its destiny.

*5 Key Lessons From Freedom At Midnight*

1. Colonial India: The book provides a deep understanding of colonial
India's history, specifically the struggle for independence from British
rule. It highlights the oppression faced by the Indian people under British
occupation and their efforts to gain freedom.

2. Partition and Independence: One of the key lessons from the book is the
traumatic and violent nature of the partition of India and Pakistan. The
authors portray the immense human suffering caused by the partition,
including riots, mass migrations, and communal violence.

3. Mahatma Gandhi's Leadership: Freedom at Midnight delves into the life
and leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, the leader of the Indian independence
movement. The book offers insights into his philosophy of non-violent
resistance and his immense influence on the course of Indian history.

4. Political Strategies and Negotiations: The book explores the
negotiations and political strategies employed by various leaders during
the fight for independence. It highlights the role played by key figures
like Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, and Lord Mountbatten in shaping
the political landscape and ultimately leading to India's freedom.

5. Legacy and Challenges: The book also discusses the legacy of the
independence movement and the challenges faced by the newly formed nations
of India and Pakistan. It explores the complexities of nation-building,
religious tensions, and socio-political issues that continue to shape the
region's history.

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*II   We are not makers of history. We are made by history.*

*Nehru, as he was looking back on that night many years later, would
remember only a 'brutal silence.'*

*What do you say to the home-grown dream of a carved saint, a carved
goddess, a carved guru, a carved demon, a carved king, each a generous
portion of himself in stone or brass or clay?*

*A nation was rising...Following the gory birth of freedom from centuries
of subjugation, new India emerged, passionate for progress.*

*That tumultuous evening was weighted with error, disillusionment and
cynicism, with savage irony, with tragic misunderstandings, with lapses of
judgment and a lack of understanding of human frailties.*

*Freedom at midnight was only a heartbeat away, but for us who had passed
through the spine-chilling days and nights of Partition... it was as if our
journey's end was nowhere in sight.*

*The world watched India's great experiment; its warning retarded by
puzzlement, then arrested by doubt and finally stilled by amazement.*

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III   On Partition

The biggest reason for partition, was the rise of Jinnah as one of the most
formidable powers among Muslims. Among Muslims, he had as much popularity
as probably Mahatma Gandhi had among Indians. But of course, he was exact
opposite of Gandhi in nature.  He had literally held Indian leaders to
ransom, under threat of widespread violence by Muslims under his command.

Quoting from the Book:-

In a tent outside Bombay in August 1946, he had evaluated for his followers
in the Moslem League the meaning of Direct Action Day. If Congress wanted
war, he declared, then India’s Moslems would ‘accept their offer
unhesitatingly.

Pale lips pressed into a grim smile, his piercing eyes alight with
repressed passion, Jinnah had that day flung down the gauntlet to Congress,
to the British. ‘We shall have India divided,’ he vowed, ‘or we shall have
India destroyed.’

Such was his devilish nature! Why he turned into someone like this, and how
he was able to turn a large Muslim population against Hindus, is another
matter and that Dr. Ambedkar has dealt with better in his book on
partition. But needless to say, Jinnah was the biggest factor for
partition. In fact, it has been mentioned in the book that, Jinnah was
suffering from a critical illness at the time of partition discussions, and
was counting his last days, but this was a top secret. Had this fact be
known to them, the last viceroy Mountbatten and Indian leaders, would
preferred to wait for him to die, so that partition could have been
avoided!

Apart from Jinnah, another reason was that the patience of Indian leaders
was running out. They have had enough, they just wanted freedom from
Britishers as soon as possible. And Britishers led by Mountbatten, didn't
want to leave without a proper system in place here!! Interesting fact is
that, had Mountbatten not been sent to India, there was a chance that
partition wouldn't have happened. Because the predecessor of Mountbatten,
Lord Wavell, had no plan to put a system in place before leaving. Funnily
enough, he had a plan named "Operation Madhouse". :) Quoting from the Book
(Lord Wavell talking to Mountbatten):-

‘This is called “Madhouse”,’ he explained, ‘because it is a problem for a
madhouse. Alas, I can see no other way out.’  It called for the British
evacuation of India, province by province, women and children first, then
civilians, then soldiers, a move likely, in Gandhi’s words, to ‘leave India
to chaos’.

One more reason was the lack of time for decision making. During those
times, the Hindu-Muslim divide was getting wider. There was widespread
violence every now and then. On the "Direct Action Day" call of Jinnah in
1946, there had already been bloodbath in Bengal. Mahatma Gandhi's peace
calls used to be temporary and were not effective for longer times. Jinnah
was always on lookout for adding fuel to the fire. Leaders were clueless
how to put things in control. Everyone agreed that some decision had to be
taken, and it had to be done quickly. So, in that haste, they went for
something, which aggravated the situation rather than pacifying it.
Essentially, everyone miscalculated the mood of millions of populations.

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IV    On Mahatma Gandhi

A great portion of the book is devoted to Mahatma Gandhi, his life, his
ideals, his efforts to keep India united, and why his efforts failed.

Unlike popular perception, Mahatma Gandhi fought till the end to keep India
united, and avoid the partition. That he failed in his efforts is another
matter.

Quoting from the book: -

So desperate was he to avoid partition that he was prepared for a Solomonic
judgment. Give the Muslims the baby instead of cutting it in half. Place
three hundred million Hindus under Moslem rule by asking his rival Jinnah
and his Moslem League to form a government. Then hand over power to that
government. Give Jinnah all India instead of just the part he wanted. He
could not budge Nehru and Patel. There was a limit to the price they were
prepared to pay to keep India united and handing over power to their foe,
Jinnah, transgressed it. They did not share Gandhi’s conviction that
partition would inevitably lead to terrible violence. Broken-hearted,
Gandhi would have to report to the Viceroy that he had not been able to
carry his colleagues with him.

Finally, Mountbatten held parleys individually with Sardar Patel and Nehru,
to convince him of partition, and they agreed. Two of their crucial men
going against his opinion, Gandhi was broken and felt helpless. He was also
not sure how the common Indians would respond to his calls for opposition
to the partition. Mountbatten also tried to convince Gandhi through all
means, and was able to somewhat subdue his resistance. But in a nutshell,
all Congress leaders turning against his opinion, was the breaking point
for Gandhi. Quoting his own words from the book:-

‘They call me a Mahatma,’ he bitterly told a friend later, ‘but I tell you
I am not even treated by them as a sweeper.’

Another quote deserves a mention in the same regard:-

Walking the streets of Delhi early one morning, one of his workers said to
him: ‘In the hour of decision you are not in the picture. You and your
ideals have been given the go-by.’

Yes, Gandhi sighed bitterly in reply: ‘Everybody is eager to garland my
photos and statues. But nobody wants to follow my advice.’

Gandhi's life and ideals have always been controversial. The book also
touches upon one major aspect for which Gandhi ji is criticised heavily
even now - his views on sexuality, and why he used to sleep on same bed
with his 19 yr old great-niece "Manu". The book gives Gandhi's perspective
on those practices. (These views were actually views as told by Gandhi's
personal secretary Pyarelal, and his Doctor Sushila Nayar). It also touches
upon other related aspects like, why he used to get massaged by female
followers, why he used to walk hands on shoulders of the two girls Manu and
Abha. (All these were related aspects).

Even though I don't agree to his practices on this issue, his rationality
behind it did make some sense, although it didn't look a practically
possible thing to imbibe. I am quoting the related text from the book:-

As his confidence in the mastery of his desires came back, he gradually
extended the range of physical contact he allowed himself with women. He
nursed them when they were ill and allowed them to nurse him. He took his
bath in full view of his fellow ashramites, male and female. He had his
daily massage virtually naked, with young girls most frequently serving as
his masseuses. He often gave interviews or consulted the leaders of his
Congress Party while the girls massaged him. He wore few clothes and urged
his disciples, male and female, to do likewise because clothes he said,
only encouraged a false sense of modesty...... For Gandhi, secure in his
own conscience, there was nothing improper or even remotely sexual in his
relations with Manu. Indeed, it is almost inconceivable that the faintest
tremor of sexual arousal passed between them. To the Mahatma, the reasoning
which had led him to perform what was, for him, a duty to Manu, was
sufficient justification for his action. Perhaps, however, deep in his
subconscious, other forces he ignored helped propel him to it.

V    Boundary division of Punjab and Bengal by Cyril Radcliffe

This is probably the least discussed issue on partition, but is most
crucial in a way. When partition was agreed, exact boundary and which
princely states would go to which Nation, were not decided. In fact the
surprising fact is, even on the day of India's freedom, the India Pakistan
boundary lines were not announced. There were two major tasks, deciding on
which princely states will go to which nation, and then deciding the
boundary of the two nations in Punjab and Bengal. These two areas were very
crucial, because they contained a great mix of population and
interdependence on one another. For the sake of neutrality, Cyril
Radcliffe, was invited from Britain, to decide on the exact boundary. In
the end, the partition in Bengal didn't cause any issue, but the boundary
division announcement in Punjab, led to great bloodshed. Population
transfer took place in millions, and there was immense bloodshed.

The riots and situations surrounding them have been dealt with in great
detail in the book. The princely states, the lives of their princes too
have been described in great detail. Most of the princely states wanted to
get total independence, rather than going with Pakistan or India. How they
were forced to merge with either of the Nations, is another aspect dealt in
great detail. Some of them were convinced, some were blackmailed, and some
like Raja Hari Singh of J&K was conditionally convinced under foreign
attack pressure. The Pakistani tribal led attack on J&K too has been
explained in detail, explaining how it ended up with the agreement with
Raja Hari Singh. The book ends up with devoting another great portion on
the murder of Mahatma Gandhi.

If not for anything, one must read the book for the unbelievable real-life
love story of Boota Singh and Zenib. A Sikh-Muslim love story leading to
marriage, then cross-border run, court cases, suicide and Muslims
supporting the Sikh guy's wishes post his death. The story will put even
the modern day bollywood Indo-Pak love stories to shame.

**************************************************************

In the end, I would like to put two more quotes from the book on two
crucial issues: -

When Sardar Patel and Pundit Nehru turned against Gandhi's idea of United
India: -

Patel had been prepared to concede partition even before Mountbatten’s
arrival. He was ageing, he’d suffered two heart attacks, and he wanted to
get on with it, to end these ceaseless debates and get down to the task of
building an independent India. Give Jinnah his state, he argued, it
wouldn’t survive anyway. In five years, the Moslem League would be knocking
at their door begging for India’s reunification.

Nehru was a torn and anguished man, caught between his deep love for Gandhi
and his new admiration and friendship for the Mountbattens. Gandhi spoke to
his heart, Mountbatten to his mind. Instinctively, Nehru detested
partition, yet his rational spirit told him it was the only answer. Since
reaching his own conclusion that there was no other choice, Mountbatten had
been employing all the charm and persuasiveness of Operation Seduction to
bring Nehru to his viewpoint. One argument was vital. With Jinnah gone,
Hindu India could have the strong central government Nehru would need if he
was going to build the socialist state of his dreams. Ultimately, he too
stood out against the man he’d followed so long.

When Nehru, Patel lost control of the Nation after partition, and requested
Mountbatten to take complete control again!

For the next quarter of a century the results of the meeting beginning in
Louis Mountbatten ’s study on the morning of Saturday, 6 September 1947
would be the most closely guarded secret of the last Viceroy’s life. Had
the decisions taken at it become known, the knowledge could have destroyed
the career of the charismatic Indian statesman who would emerge in the
years to come as one of the world’s major figures.

Three people were present: Mountbatten, Nehru and Patel. The two Indian
leaders were sombre, visibly depressed men; they looked to the
Governor-General ‘like a pair of chastened schoolboys. The situation in the
Punjab was out of control. The migration was exceeding their worst fears.
Now violence in Delhi threatened to bring down the capital itself.

‘We don’t know how to hold it,’ Nehru admitted.

‘You have to grip it,’ Mountbatten told him.

‘How can we grip it?’ Nehru replied. ‘We have no experience. We’ve spent
the best years of our lives in your British jails. Our experience is in the
art of agitation, not administration. We can barely manage to run a
well-organized government in normal circumstances. We’re just not up to
facing an absolute collapse of law and order.’

Nehru then made an almost unbelievable request. That he, the proud Indian
who’d devoted his life to the independence struggle could even articulate
it was a measure of both his own greatness and the gravity of the
situation. He had long admired Mountbatten’s capacity for organization and
swift decision. India, he felt, desperately needed those skills now and
Nehru was too great a man to let his pride stand in the way of her having
them.

‘While you were exercising the highest command in war, we were in a British
prison,’ he said. ‘You are a professional, high-level administrator. You’ve
commanded millions of men. You have the experience and knowledge
colonialism has denied us. You English can’t just turn this country over to
us after being here all our lives and simply walk away. We’re in an
emergency and we need help. Will you run the country?‘Yes,’ seconded Patel,
the tough realist at Nehru’s side, ‘he’s right. You’ve got to take
over.’Mountbatten was aghast. ‘My God,’ he said, ' I ve just got through
giving you the country and here you two are asking me to take it back!’

‘You must understand,’ Nehru said. ‘You’ve got to take it. We’ll pledge
ourselves to do whatever you say.’

‘But this is terrible,’ Mountbatten said. ‘If anyone ever finds out you’ve
turned the country back to my hands, you’ll be finished politically. The
Indians keep the British Viceroy and then put him back in charge? Out of
the question.’

‘Well,’ said Nehru, ‘we’ll have to find a way to disguise it, but if you
don’t do it, we can’t manage.’ Mountbatten thought for a moment. He loved a
challenge and this was a formidable one. His personal-esteem for Nehru, his
affection for India, his sense of responsibility, left him no way of escape.

‘All right,’ he said, the admiral back on his bridge, ‘I’ll do it, and I
can pull the thing together because I do know how to do it. But we must
agree that nobody finds out about this. Nobody must know you’ve made this
request.

K Rajaram IRS  18824 19824

---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Chittanandam V R <[email protected]>
Date: Sun, 18 Aug 2024 at 18:40
Subject: Fwd: Partition
To:



This is one of the messages exchanged in another Group where I am  a
member. I am sending it to you

as I think you may find it interesting.


Chittanandam




Winston Churchill lost the election and Clement Atlee succeeded as PM. It
was decided to appoint Earl Mountbatten 40+ as the Governor General. He
sought an interview with his mentor Churchill who remarked ‘these brownies
left to themselves fight with ferocity of cannibals mutually destructing’.
Nevertheless ‘persuade them to become members of Commonwealth’


Mountbatten aka Dickie decided to take his wife Edwina with whom Nehru had
a cordial rapport. In the Cabinet Mission Plan partition was discussed and
 its terms and time frame. The British govt. in a Machiavellian manner put
near impossible conditions like ’reservation for apartheid, institutions of
minorities like Chirstian, Muslim and Saradar are exempted from government
interference and so. The leaders in Congress and Muslim league were eager
to enjoy power and pelf and so readily agreed. Yet M. Jinnah was stone
faced and grim. When the resolution was passed, he just nodded his head ‘*known
as the famous nod of Jinnah’.* The date had to be finalized. It was already
June in 1947, summer was in full swing. Yet Mountbatten wanted to hurry
this. He chose the day when as Admiralty of Southeast Asia won the Japanese
navy. It was 15 Aug- so it was decided.


Pandits in Varanasi hastily assembled and found out that 15 Aug 47 was the
most inauspicious day for the birth of a nation. In Rawalpindi, Muslims
observed that it was the holy month of Ramadan, hence not good for
celebrating Independence for Muslims. Both Nehru and Jinnah scoffed the
superstition yet demurred to adjust. In India the time was shifted to
midnight 14 Aug 47 and in Pakistan Jinnah cancelled a lavish luncheon and
changed it into a dinner.

Maulvis In Pakistan predicted that there would be constant instability and
truncation of state, whereas pandits of Varanasi opined to neutralize the
ill effects if the leader of India has to hail from Varanasi or from
contiguous place otherwise there will be constant changes.


How realistic are these predictions?


Sankaran

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