Some excerpts from  :The war within : America's battle over Vietnam," by
Tom Wells. University of California Press. Kindle edition is $9.95. On May
Day 1971.

CHAPTER NINE 1971 “The Next Six Weeks Will Determine the Future of Western
Civilization”

"In January 1971 the National Coalition Against War, Racism and Repression
gathered in Chicago. The coalition remained seriously divided. Backed by
Dave Dellinger, Rennie Davis continued to push for massive civil
disobedience in Washington in early May that would “stop the government.”
Dellinger and Davis felt this May Day protest would help revitalize a
movement increasingly skeptical of its power. “It was clear that there was
a fatigue, a quasi-disillusionment” with legal demonstrations, Dellinger
recalled. To many activists, they had become “yesterday’s mashed potatoes.”
But by undertaking massive direct action, Dellinger and Davis believed,
activists would feel their power. The government would, too. “The aim of
the Mayday action is to raise the social cost of the war to a level
unacceptable to America’s rulers,” a May Day “tactical manual” stated. “To
do this we seek to create the spectre of social chaos while maintaining the
support or at least toleration of the broad masses of American people.” The
protest, however, “may divide us from certain constituencies,” Davis told
the conference delegates. May Day would be decentralized and
unchoreographed. There would be “no ‘movement generals’ making tactical
decisions you have to carry out,” the manual promised activists.1

(The National Coalition Against War, Racism and Repression, was derided by
some activists as the “coalition against everything.” See my 2nd excerpt,
from a previous chapter, after the <SNIP> Note the aside by Sidney Peck on
the SWP.
The May Day Tactical Manual, is reprinted in : Mayday 1971, or, How to Lose
Street Battles and Alienate People
<https://archive.org/details/mayday-1971-or-how-to-lose-street-battles-and-alienate-people>."
M.P.)

Other protesters were apprehensive. Indeed, many “were scared to death” of
May Day, as Dellinger remembered. Some felt Davis and Dellinger “had gone
crazy.” Although giving lip service to nonviolence, Brad Lyttle perceived,
Davis had no intention of keeping things pacific. “I looked at what they
were putting together and said, ‘This is a disaster,’” Lyttle recalled. So
did the War Resisters League leader David McReynolds. “I’ll tell you, the
May Days in 1971 scared the shit out of me,” he remembered. McReynolds
“didn’t trust Rennie” either and feared he “was leading us into a trap,
that we would all get down to Washington and…find out there’d be
provocations that would allow Nixon to unleash the National Guard on us.
The May Days looked to me like a real setup.” Plus, “it was based on an
apocalyptic vision,” McReynolds felt—“‘If they don’t close the war down,
we’re going to close them down.’ And that [suggested] we had more power
than we did.” Moreover, “we had to be aware politically that if we did
close the government down…we would be violating where most people wanted it
to go.” The former SDS leader Carl Davidson, who was then covering the
antiwar movement for the radical Guardian newspaper, also distrusted Davis
and his May Day plan. “I thought that Rennie Davis was spaced out, and I
thought he was burning out,” Davidson reminisced. “I thought there was all
kinds of weirdness developing around it.… It wasn’t, like, really
together.” So distrustful were McReynolds and other activists of Davis that
they suspected him of being a CIA agent. McReynolds even raised the
possibility with Dellinger.2

Dellinger himself had doubts about Davis’s commitment to nonviolence and
agreed that his vision of May Day was apocalyptic (Dellinger was not
pleased when Davis told prospective recruits to the protest that “the next
six weeks will determine the future of Western Civilization”). However,
Dellinger thought he could keep Davis on a reasoned path. “I used to be
able to sober him up,” he recalled.3

The January conferees could agree on only a very general program for the
spring. They would organize to “implement” a symbolic “People’s Peace
Treaty” previously negotiated by Davis and others with Vietnamese students.
They would also hold “nonviolent and militant” protests that went “beyond
rallies and demonstrations” but included them too. “It was a hard meeting,
that’s all I can say,” NCAWRR’s Sidney Peck pensively reflected. “It was a
real difficult meeting.”4

Further splitting the conferees were accusations that some NCAWRR leaders
were losing touch with their troops. “I went through a tremendous personal
trashing on elitism and jet-setting,” Peck remembered. Two of the accusers
later turned out to be government agents.5

The following weekend, representatives of the SWP-controlled National Peace
Action Coalition and NCAWRR met to consider uniting on a mass legal
demonstration that spring. NPAC urged NCAWRR to help build the
demonstration it had already called for April 24. NCAWRR preferred rallying
on May 2, the day before May Day would begin, instead. The two groups
failed to reach an agreement. “We had all kinds of games being played back
and forth,” Fred Halstead ruefully recalled.6

Shortly thereafter, NCAWRR disbanded. NCAWRR leaders set up another
group—the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ)—in its place.
Given the mounting sectarianism in the movement, the coalition leader Doug
Dowd didn’t think PCPJ was going to fare any better than NCAWRR. “I
remember lacking any kind of enthusiasm or hope about PCPJ,” Dowd said. “I
remember believing that this was nothing that was going to get any place.
It was already riddled with internal opposition.”7

PCPJ established its headquarters in Washington. In the same building, one
floor below, resided NPAC. One floor above sat the office of the May Day
Collective (later known as the May Day Tribe), a largely countercultural
grouping “filled with strange personalities” prone to using “lots of
various kinds of chemical stimulants,” Lyttle recalled. The three
organizations were most unlikely neighbors. Lyttle remembered visiting
NPAC’s headquarters shortly after PCPJ set up shop in the building: “When I
came in there I went up to their office, and it was a fortress. They had a
steel-plated door, and they had two-by-fours that you could put across it.
And I said, ‘What the heck do you have all this here for?’ And they said,
‘Well, we don’t want to be attacked by the police.’ Well, obviously it
wasn’t the police [they were worried about]; the police could get in if
they wanted to. What they didn’t want was to be attacked by the rest of the
movement.”8 This was what the peace movement had come to...." <SNIP>

Decline

Also in September, representatives of the Mobe’s summer regional meetings
and national peace groups met in Milwaukee. They formed the National
Coalition Against War, Racism and Repression (NCAWRR). Many activists soon
belittlingly referred to NCAWRR as the “coalition against everything.” Even
some of its organizers were unexcited about it. “It took on such a wide
range of stuff that there was no clear focus,” Sidney Peck remembered. “I
felt that had blurred our opposition to the war to some extent.” NCAWRR’s
fall agenda included demonstrations in support of jailed Black Panthers and
welfare rights, multi-issue community organizing, and antiwar protests. As
Dave Dellinger writes, many groups in

NCAWRR “put only limited energy into its programs, preferring to ‘go it
alone’ organizationally.” Doug Dowd recalled that there was “real notable”
and “increasing difficulty in holding the coalition together.… Each of the
groups in the coalition increasingly became insistent that its position,
its path, its goals, had to be primary. It got to the point where it came
to be kind of a bad joke, you know, where you couldn’t have a demonstration
without having thirty-five speakers, and the only kind of position you
could get any kind of agreement on was watered down or stupid.” And “once
you finally gave in, so to speak, and got agreement from two hundred
different groups…then nobody would go out and organize for the fucking
demonstration.… So you’ve got more people at the fucking organizing meeting
than at the demonstration.” It “became very, very difficult to move an
inch,” Dowd said. The antiwar leader felt the mounting sectarianism in the
movement “was like a bunch of fucking vultures over a carcass.… They were
making a carcass out of something that had been alive.”149

Rennie Davis was then trying to garner support for a massive civil
disobedience action in Washington early the next May if the war persisted.
NCAWRR agreed to help build the “May Day” protest. In New York, activists
were pressuring the city council to adopt a resolution to “Take New York
City Out of the War—Now!” The campaign gained little momentum. In several
other cities, activists campaigned for antiwar referenda. The referenda
passed. VVAWers were meanwhile planning national hearings on American war
crimes in Vietnam. They wanted to show that My Lai and other atrocities
were not isolated incidents, but logical results of U.S. policies. The
veterans debated whether to work with the Citizens Commission to
Investigate War Crimes, which wanted to hold the hearings before Congress.
“Some people in VVAW from the Midwest argued, ‘No, it really ought to be
out there in middle America,’” Jan Barry recalled. “‘Everything’s been
directed at Congress for years, and what have those fuddy-duddies ever
done? If we take it out to middle America and we shake up middle America,
they’ll shake up Congress.’” VVAW decided to hold the hearings in Detroit
early the next year. They dubbed them the “Winter Soldier Investigation,” a
reference to Tom Paine’s 1776 statement about “summer soldiers” who shrink
from duty during crises. Jane Fonda promoted the hearings.150 The antiwar
demonstrations called by the SWP-controlled National Peace Action Coalition
on October 31 were small. Aware now that they couldn’t organize massive
demonstrations on their own, SWPers urged NCAWRR to participate in an NPAC
conference on December 4. Peck and the handful of other NCAWRR leaders who
attended requested that NPAC refrain from setting a date for the next
spring’s antiwar demonstrations until a NCAWRR meeting in early January so
the coalition could shape the decision. NPAC refused. It issued a call for
peaceful, legal demonstrations on April 24. “They were constantly setting
dates and then compelling the rest of the movement to [go along],” Peck
disdainfully recalled. “That was their big thing.” This date had special
significance—it would limit participation in the May Day civil
disobedience, the SWP schemed, since few people would stay in Washington
two weekends in a row.151<SNIP>


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