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What we get wrong about how Germany has reckoned with its Nazi past
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In Germany’s eagerness to whitewash the crimes of the WWII era, there are 
sobering lessons for a post-Trump America
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A 2018 Interior Ministry report exposed networks of ex-Nazi administrators who 
resumed their careers with the help of testimonials they wrote for one another. 
These testimonials were dubbed Persilscheine, or “Persil notes,” after a 
popular laundry detergent (above). Photo by Getty Images

Terrence Petty ( https://forward.com/authors/terrence-petty/ ) March 14, 2026

On a recent Freakonomics episode ( 
https://freakonomics.com/podcast/werner-herzog-isnt-afraid/ ) about the German 
film director Werner Herzog, host Stephen Dubner voiced a familiar assertion 
about postwar Germany’s confrontation with the Nazi past — an assertion shared 
by many Americans but one that is, in fact, a partial myth.

“It’s always impressed me,” Dubner said to Herzog, “the way that Germany, after 
the Second World War, assessed what had happened and in its schools and its 
institutions tried to come to grips with why and how, and to educate its 
successive generations.”

What’s wrong with this statement? At its core, it recycles a narrative crafted 
by the United States and its anti-Soviet allies during the Cold War — one 
designed for geopolitical purposes and carried into the 21st century.

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Though it’s true that German schools have been admirably rigorous in teaching 
the history of the Third Reich and the Holocaust, and Germany has taken many 
other historic steps to make amends, German government agencies spent decades 
avoiding a full confrontation with their own past. Files documenting the depth 
of Nazi continuity within the postwar civil service were kept under lock and 
key well into the new century.

In my book, Nazis at the Watercooler: War Criminals in Postwar German 
Government Agencies ( 
https://www.nebraskapress.unl.edu/potomac-books/9781640125698/nazis-at-the-watercooler/
 ) , I reveal how West Germany hired seriously incriminated ex-Nazis for civil 
service positions and tell the story of a reckoning that took nearly six 
decades to begin — a chapter in Germany’s confrontation with its past that 
still receives too little recognition.

For decades, ministries shielded their records from public view. The first 
major breakthrough came in 2005, when Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer ( 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joschka_Fischer ) , appalled to discover that his 
ministry’s internal newsletter had been publishing glowing obituaries for 
diplomats implicated in Nazi crimes, established an independent team of 
historians to examine the Foreign Office archives. Their report, released five 
years later, documented not only the involvement of German diplomats in the 
machinery of the Third Reich but also the ease with which many resumed their 
careers in the West German state.

Over the past two decades, virtually every major German government institution 
has followed the Foreign Office’s lead — commissioning historians to examine 
old files and arriving at similarly disturbing conclusions. There was 
foot-dragging along the way; the Chancellor’s Office, the nerve center of the 
German government, did not release the findings of its own self-examination 
until last year.

These long delays raise a question that reaches beyond Germany. If a nation 
widely praised for its moral clarity took more than half a century to confront 
the actions of its institutions, what might that suggest about how the United 
States will one day confront the legacy of Donald Trump and the MAGA movement?

Of all the West German government agencies in the first postwar decade, none — 
with the exception of the foreign intelligence service — was a more welcoming 
harbor for ex-Nazis with blood on their hands than the Bundeskriminalamt ( 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Criminal_Police_Office_(Germany) ) , or 
Federal Criminal Police Office, a German version of the FBI known by its 
initials, BKA. The depth of this infiltration was exposed by Dieter Schenk ( 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dieter_Schenk ) , a security specialist at the 
BKA who quit over the West German government’s cozy relationships with 
right-wing dictators.

While at the BKA, Schenk heard hushed rumors about investigators with dark 
pasts. After resigning, he began to dig. He uncovered documents that exposed 
about two dozen of the BKA’s top employees who had served with Nazi units that 
committed war crimes and were never put on trial.

Schenk published his findings in a 2001 bestseller titled Auf dem rechten Auge 
blind: Die braunen Wurzeln des BKA ( Turning a Blind Eye to the Right: The 
Brown Roots of the BKA ). Several years later, the BKA commissioned its own 
panel of historians, who reached conclusions similar to Schenk’s. Their 
findings were published in 2011.

More inquiries followed.

Even the super-secretive Federal Intelligence Service, the BND ( 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Intelligence_Service ) , opened up about 
former SS officers who landed jobs at the West German spy agency, some with the 
assistance of American intelligence, despite having served in Nazi units that 
committed war crimes. One of the most stunning revelations was that in the late 
1950s and early 60s the BND had on its payroll one of the most sought-after war 
criminals — Walter Rauff ( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Rauff ) , 
hiding out in Chile.

Historians hired by the Justice Ministry found that in the late 1950s about 
half the senior employees had been card-carrying Nazis, including lawyers who 
attended meetings planning the Holocaust. A 2016 report documented how senior 
officials helped former Third Reich jurists paper over their pasts.


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