BRECHT'S PERSONAL POLITICS
by H. Pachter

“You have asked me to tell you what I know of Bert Brecht's personal
attitudes to the political questions of his time. Let me state in advance
that I
find it difficult to comply for two reasons — one external, the other
intrinsic.
Brecht was an ironical author who liked to conceal his meaning while
provoking the reader to find his own answer. In personal conversation he
also
preferred asking questions to giving answers; moreover, he found many
situations so complex that humor was the only appropriate approach, and
since humor always starts out from the proposition that before the court of
history what is right today may be wrong tomorrow, it was often difficult to
predict on which side he would come down in practical, everyday politics.
The second difficulty was that Brecht shared with other persons of his
stature
the habit of using people. This appears very clearly, though involuntarily,
in
the memoirs of Fritz Sternberg and others who boast that they had some
influence on Brecht's intellectual development. Having been in the position
of
an apprentice, I am painfully aware that when Brecht asked me a question it
was not to receive instruction from me, but either to educate me or to be
challenged by my stupidity. Moreover, it was clear at all times that Brecht
did
not approve of my critical attitude to the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union. We avoided the subject whenever possible, and he compartmentalized
his ambiances — keeping his party friends apart from Korsch and me.
Because of these limitations, I shall speak as little as possible from
personal
experience, and as much as possible from public sources…

Moreover, like Korsch, Brecht was not happy with the Popular Front
tactics which the Comintern adopted in 1934. In his view, it blurred the
class
fronts and raised illusions among the workers. At the great writers'
congress in
the Paris Mutuality, 1935, which was supposed to enlist democratic
intellectuals in the common cause, he read an appeal to overthrow capitalism
first, after which Nazism would disappear of itself. He needed to see the
world
in black and white: on one side decadent, corrupt capitalism with its two
helpers, the Social Democrats and the Fascists; on the other side the Soviet
Union, virtue and the workers of the world. This had been the Communist
Party's view until 1934, and it had been responsible for the disastrous
disunity
of the left that facilitated Hitler's rise to power. When the Comintern,
finally
at its 7th World Congress, abandoned this pernicious theory and the Soviet
Union sought an alliance with France, Brecht held on to the view that
fascism
was nothing but a running dog of capitalism. Comparing the Nazi system
with traditional capitalism, he found the former only "relatively worse"15
and
in certain respects he even admired its greater efficiency and its
"radicalism"
which pleases him better than social democratic reform policies: "The Hitler
regime is self-reliant capitalism; its policies are radical. Hitler's
criticism of
the Social-Democrats and of the Frankfurt School is excellent." In the
ridiculous play about "The Stoppable Rise of Arturo Ui" he tries to show
that
nothing distinguishes gangsters, capitalists and Nazis from each other…16…

I went to see him about the Moscow trials. We were at a crisis point in the
Popular Front and at the height of the Spanish Civil War, in which the
Soviet
Union was heavily engaged. The trials, in this situation, were extremely
embarrassing to the Left, and I said to Brecht: "You are one of the few
people who might be listened to in Moscow; could you not speak up?" His
answer was amazing. He said: "In fifty years people will have forgotten
Stalin; but I want Brecht's plays still to be performed then, and therefore
I
must stay with the Party." So that was it. At that time I did not know that
Brecht had in his desk drawer the autobiographical stories of Herr Keuner,
whom he describes as "without backbone. I of all people must outlive
violence."19 He also, at about the same time, showed Korsch a poem in which
Stalin was compared to an ox that does much useful work and therefore is
given special food. 20 He liked to call Stalin "the useful one." (He also is
mentioned in Benjamin's diary.)
Brecht was convinced that communism would emerge as the heir of
European culture, and he wanted to be there to share the future. He could
not bear missing the bus of history. Therefore he had to be with Stalin when
Stalin was in the driver's seat. He had learned the lesson of historical
inevita-
bility all too well, much beyond his mentors' intentions. When Korsch
pointed out to him how Stalin discredited the cause of socialism, he
answered
that one must distinguish between government and society. Like Trotsky at
the time, he felt that Stalin would disappear and socialism remain;
therefore,
the defense of the Soviet Union had priority.
He defended Stalin's mock trials in public (MeTi, pp. 113-114)21 though in
private he mourned the disappearance of his friends, the actress Carola
Neher 22 and the poet Sergei Tretyakov, his translator.23 He continued to
see
some dissidents who had not made their peace with Western democracy. But
in parables and arguments he keeps repeating to them his fundamental
conviction that freedom is not an eternal value but a petit-bourgeois
prejudice.24 Productivity is everything; Stalin's personality cult is
explained
as a deliberate device to increase productivity.25…”


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