March 29, 1999



Activism Surges at Campuses Nationwide, and Labor Is at Issue


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Unions and the Labor Movement

By STEVEN GREENHOUSE




   n the biggest surge in campus activism in nearly two decades, student
protests have burst onto the scene with rallies, teach-ins and sit-ins
protesting sweatshops and other labor issues.

   Students at Duke, Georgetown, Yale and 20 other institutions have
focused on the sweat shirts and caps emblazoned with college names that are
sold in every university shop, demanding that the companies that license
college names not use overseas sweatshops.

   Two weeks ago, University of Michigan students took over the office of
the president to make such demands. The week before, 350 Harvard students
held a rally to make similar demands, while also calling for raises for
many of Harvard's janitors and dining hall workers.

   The protests are the biggest wave of campus activism since the
anti-apartheid movement in the early 1980s, when students called on
colleges to sell off stock in companies doing business in South Africa.

   The surge stems in part from unions' efforts to attract students to
labor's cause and to train them to be activists. Over the past three years,
unions recruited hundreds of students for summer internships and, upon
returning to campus, many of these students were galvanized to continue
their battle to help workers in the United States and abroad.

   The snowballing protests have included sit-ins at Duke, Georgetown and
the University of Wisconsin and demonstrations at Brown, Cornell and
Princeton. Last month, 40 Yale students staged a "knit-in" to highlight
sweatshop abuses, while students at Holy Cross and the University of
California at Berkeley staged mock fashion shows in which undergraduates
walking the runway described the dismal conditions in which many garments
were made.

   While today's protests bring back memories of the raucous '60s and
anti-war demonstrations, the current activism is different. It is less
vociferous, it has focused on labor issues  --  there have also been
rallies to defend affirmative action and promote gay rights  --  and it
often has the sympathy of administrators.

   The demands are also more modest than, say, the overthrow of capitalism.
They include independent monitoring of factories that make college-name
apparel, and a living wage for their workers.

   "We're not asking for a revolution," said Tico Almeida, a Duke senior
who led a 31-hour sit-in in the office of Duke's president. "We're just
asking for improvement of working conditions. It doesn't seem like a lot to
ask for."

   So far the protests have not involved violence. And in a far cry from
decades past, university presidents have not demanded the arrest or ouster
of students who occupied their offices. Many officials have even praised
the protesters.

   "They are terrific students," Lee Bollinger, president of the University
of Michigan, said of the 30 students who occupied his office and the 200
others who rallied outside. "They're just the kind of students you want on
your campus. They were interested in a serious problem, they were
knowledgeable about the problem, and they really wanted to do something
about it."

   In addition to recognizing that arrests can increase tensions, many
college officials marched themselves when they were undergraduates.

   "Back in the '60s, I was a student holding a sign," said Allan Ryan, a
lawyer in Harvard's general counsel's office who has been the university's
chief negotiator with anti-sweatshop students. "Now I look out the window
and say, 'Students are protesting. Let's see what's on their minds.' Now we
look at student protests as being a normal part of the educational
process."

   With encouragement from the apparel workers' union, Unite, students have
seized on the sweatshop issue as a clear-cut subject that hits close to
home and that they can make a difference on. With $2.5 billion in
college-name merchandise sold nationwide each year, students are confident
they can use their moral stature and their universities' financial muscle
to bring about changes in manufacturing, even overseas.

   "This was an issue which really moved a lot of people because, while the
workers are making our clothes thousands of miles away, in other ways we're
close to it  --  we're wearing these clothes every day," said David
Tannenbaum, a Princeton junior who helped organize a rally that drew 250
students.

   Not everyone applauds the protests. Laura Vanderkim, a Princeton
sophomore, said, "Who is a well-to-do Princeton student to say what a
living wage is in Bangladesh or China? These workers may make above average
wages for the area. And arbitrarily raising wages could cause layoffs."

   Evidenced by protests at Harvard, Fairfield and Johns Hopkins, another
issue catching fire is wages for the lowest-paid campus workers, typically
janitors and food workers. At the University of Virginia, students have
joined with clergy and civil rights groups to argue that amid campus
privilege, it is unfair that school employees earn $6.50 an hour and need
two jobs to get by.





   Students with different backgrounds have joined the protests for
different reasons. Xochitl Marquez, a University of California at Los
Angeles junior, became involved because a Mexican relative had deformed a
hand working in sweatshops. At Notre Dame, many protesters were inspired by
Roman Catholic teachings that all workers should be treated with respect.

   Some protesters are "red-diaper grandchildren" or the children of '60s
protesters. And many students began organizing protests after participating
in Union Summer, a program in which hundreds of students work as union
interns, helping to organize low-paid workers.

   "One of the great untold stories in the '90s is that Union Summer has
created from almost nothing activism on campus to a point where labor
issues are among the leading issues among students today," said Greg Smith,
a Columbia graduate student in sociology.

   Duke President Nannerl Keohane said the protests grew out of a quiet
type of student activism: community service in which students tutored
children or worked at soup kitchens.

   "This generation is one where there's a very strong sense of personal
responsibility to make a difference for immediate, real people you can see
and touch," Ms. Keohane said, adding, "My own hunch, as a political
theorist, is this sweatshop movement is a direct outgrowth of this
practical mindset."

   Pressured by students, many schools have agreed to require monitors and
the disclosure of the names and locations of factories, a step that would
make monitoring easier but is opposed by many companies because they do not
want competitors to know about their factories.

   Two weeks ago, the University of Michigan agreed to a far-reaching code
of conduct for the companies that produce the university-name apparel that
called for monitoring and disclosure and said workers at these companies'
factories should receive a living wage. But, to the students' chagrin, the
university did not commit to a living wage standard because it had not been
defined.

   Students hailed the university's commitments as a victory.

   "This code of conduct is as strong as it is for one reason: student
activism," said Peter Romer-Friedman, a leader of the sit-in.






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