---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Gaffar Peang-Meth <[email protected]>
Date: Thu, Dec 15, 2011 at 7:29 AM
Subject: CAMBODIA: The people must no longer wait for Preah Batr Dhammik to
come to their rescu
To:



<http://internal.ahrchk.net/phplist/?p=preferences&uid=2275fdb1088ed70386eda99339a8ce6d>

*FOR PUBLICATION
*AHRC-ETC-057-2011
December 15, 2011

*An article by Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth published by the Asian Human Rights
Commission*

*CAMBODIA: The people must no longer wait for Preah Batr Dhammik to come to
their rescue*

*Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth*

The end of 2011 is filled with less than happy news on Cambodia and her
people that dampens the holiday mood. On the first of December, Radio Free
Asia presented a somber broadcast on the culture of corruption permeating
Khmer youth, starting with kindergarten children, the teaching corps, and
moving up to education officials in government. Allegations of corruption
at this foundational level do not bode well for Cambodia's future.

The report on corruption by RFA's Keo Pich Meta began with an illustrative
Khmer saying "Tumpaeng snorng russei," which refers to bamboo shoots that
will grow and replace aging bamboo trees. Bamboo shoots are the nation's
future pillars. The saying counsels children to go to school, study hard,
become educated, to help build a prosperous country.

RFA's report describes unspecified numbers of Khmer children and youth, the
bamboo shoots, who are unlikely to grow up to become strong future pillars
of a broadly prosperous society. They have fallen prey to societal ills,
drugs, laziness, a lack of desire to learn, an avoidance of schooling,
among other things. Of course there are children and youth going to school,
the report says, but in the course of their schooling it has become
customary to bribe teachers for better grades so students can move to the
next level.

Having learned a culture of corruption at such a young age, these small
bamboo shoots will probably carry the culture of societal ills with them as
they grow.

*Numbing the spirit, hurting the dignity*

Neither was the news from Cambodia in November encouraging to those who
advocate for Cambodians' civil rights. In late November, the small
community of people of Boeung Kak Lake – those left from the original
4,000-plus residents who were victims of forced eviction – took to the
streets to protest against the real estate firm Shukaku Inc., owned by
ruling Cambodian People's Party Senator Lao Meng Khin. The people of Boeung
Kak Lake were holding on desperately to the 12.44 hectares of land that
remains after the lake and adjacent 120 hectares were co-opted by the
government and leased for 99 years to Shukaku for development.

News accounts and photos of the encounter are available on the Internet.
Khmer women linked arms to protest injustice. Police wielding riot shields
closed in on them. Women were knocked to the ground. A woman protester cut
her wrist. Some women removed items of clothing and used them to hit at
police. Some women protesters were arrested and taken away. A week earlier,
a 33-year-old mother of 2 had jumped off the Japanese Friendship Bridge to
her death: What is life when one's home and land are taken away?

Around the same time, Amnesty International released "Eviction and
Resistance in Cambodia," a publication in which four Cambodian women tell
stories of their struggle and hardships endured during their fight against
forced removal from their homes and land. One woman of the indigenous Kuy
minority tells how she leads her community to protect the land, the natural
resources, and the Prey Lang forest, where the Kuy have lived for
generations. The stories and the photos in Amnesty International's report
are compelling. These are reinforced by the growing number of videos
available on You Tube that document contemporary events in Cambodia.

Readers should log on to see "Life in a Cambodian rubbish dump," an Online
posting by Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Amy Simmons, of photos by
Spanish photojournalist Omar Havana. Havana spent seven months secretly
documenting the lives of a Cambodian community of about 500 people who
"live – or survive – in a rubbish dump" about 30 kilometers from the
world-renowned Angkor Wat Temple (located some 5.5 kms north of Siem Reap
city, where a hotel room can cost more than $1,500 a night).

In Havana's words, "What I saw (at the dump) was from another world." "Most
of the little children are aged between three and 15 and they are always
smiling – that was what shocked me." Havana quoted a little boy: "I smile
all the time, I'm lucky. Today I'm going to eat this (bag of blood) and
tomorrow I will see the sun again."

I felt numb reading the text and indignant at the poverty depicted in
Havana's photos. Affected in spirit and in heart, I am haunted by American
civil rights icon Martin Luther King, Jr.'s observation that "Our lives
begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter."

So I grouped some photos available in the public domain of Cambodian
citizens' human rights protests, made a video title "Tor Sou! – Struggle!,"
and put it on YouTube, accompanied by Cambodian Messenger Band's Khmer
song, "Land and Life." I wrote a short note to Khmers asking that they do
something to help their countrymen, the poor and marginalized; to
non-Khmers, I pleaded they not forget those shown in the photos.

It was not the kind of end-of-the-year message I had in mind.

Incredibly, this video on forced eviction elicited instead some anonymous
comments, both supporting and decrying the Vietnamese presence in Cambodia.
Whatever happened to critical thinking that requires one to stay with the
topic and ask only relevant, necessary and indispensable questions on the
issue at hand?

*Hurting the brain*

If the images of a government orchestrating brutalities against its
citizens were not dispiriting enough, Hun Sen also managed to assault those
who appeal to a thoughtful audience. In public remarks, Hun Sen lambasted
reporters from Radio Free Asia for their coverage of his wife and followed
up with personal attacks on broadcasters from the Voice of America and
Radio Free Asia for coverage he deemed critical of his government. Earlier,
he threatened: "Close the door, beat the dog!"

While some expatriates exclaim that a prime minister should not lose his
temper and scream at reporters like that, I was considering if there is any
difference between the behavior of former Khmer Rouge commander Hun Sen's
behavior, and his former boss, Pol Pot's demand for unquestioned uniformity
backed by the slogan, "No gain to keep (a person), no loss to waste (a
person)".

In addition to the demoralizing news described above, Cambodia Daily
reported on a finding by the UK-based Maplecroft Deforestation Index 2012,
categorizing Cambodia as at "extreme risk" as "1.4 million hectares" of
forest have been lost over the last decade from illegal and uncontrolled
logging, large scale agro-industrial development, and weak governance. Some
60 percent of the forests "richest in biodiversity" have been lost.
Cambodia ranks 9th worst for deforestation among 180 countries.

Maplecroft's analyst Granziera singled out China as "driving forest loss in
Cambodia through illegal timber" collection. The Daily reported
deforestation surging to new heights last year, and that rights groups
alleged "land concessions have topped 2 million hectares."

Still last month, the Berlin-based Transparency International, engaged in
the fight against corruption, released its Index (based on such factors as
bribery of public officials, kickbacks in public procurement, embezzlement
of public funds, and effectiveness of anti-corruption efforts), ranking
Cambodia 164th (out of 183 countries) – a fall from 154th last year – with
unchecked graft. Cambodia scored only 2.1 points on a 10 point scale, with
10 points indicating a corruption-free government.

Also, the Khmer Rouge Tribunal's saga continues. The KRT was meant to try
people responsible for deaths of 1.7 to 2.5 million people during the rule
of the Khmer Rouge, provide justice and closure for victims and their
families. But it has become a show trial that ultimately will not achieve
the stated aims.

Cambodians say "Chheu kbal," or "headache." It's no secret that I am one of
many countrymen who seek change to the status quo.

*Regime change*

Lord Gautama Buddha taught 2,500 years ago that "Nothing is permanent,"
that "Everything changes." Humans are not the children of inevitable karma:
"I do believe in a fate that falls on (humans) unless they act," Buddha
said. Action, on the other hand, will result in an altered outcome. Buddha
said, "I never see what has been done; I only see what remains to be done."
Thus, if we don't do anything our lot would not change; no one is
responsible for our fate but ourselves. We are what we think, Buddha said,
and we make the world with our thoughts.

A nation of 14 million people, of whom 95 percent are Buddhist, Cambodians
should be perfect actors for change. Their Lord Buddha preached, "To be
idle is a short road to death and to be diligent is a way of life." He
counseled men to be activists and "actionists." Do Cambodians who talk
Buddha's talk, also walk his talk? As Buddha asked: "What good will do if
you do not act upon them?"

Change is what Cambodians in general say they want in Cambodia. Opposition
parties and opponents to Hun Sen and the ruling party want regime change.

*Understandable, but how?*

On Nov. 25, self-exiled opposition leader Sam Rainsy declared on the Voice
of America's "Hello VOA" program, that he has "no more trust" in the Hun
Sen regime, and called for "regime change": Cambodians must break off and
liberate themselves from the corrupt regime that sells land and natural
resources to foreign companies, gives away national territory, and now
engages the people in billions of dollars of public debt that no government
can pay back.

The Daily reported a Finance Ministry statement released on Nov. 7 saying
by late 2010, Cambodia owed foreign countries and development partners a
debt of "$3.3 billion, or 29 percent of GDP" – whereas Hun Sen claimed the
debt totaled "only $2 billion"; the National Bank said the debt is $5.4
billion of which $2.5 billion was borrowed from foreign countries; while
CPP legislator Cheam Yeap said the debt stood at $7 billion or 63 percent
of gross domestic product. Take your pick!

On Nov. 21, three Sam Rainsy Party lawmakers resigned from the National
Assembly. The purpose was to render the assembly "unconstitutional," hence,
any law it enacts is not valid. Article 76 of the Constitution stipulates
the National Assembly "consists of at least 120 members." Rainsy says, with
three SRP members resigning, the assembly does not have 120 members, hence,
it is not constitutional.

On the day Rainsy spoke of regime change from Paris, 22 SRP members and 3
members of the Human Rights Party boycotted the assembly's deliberation on
the 2012 national budget law. The idea was to invalidate the law that
allocates $2.7 billion in public expenditure and allows the regime to incur
$1.1 billion in foreign debt through concessional loans.

But the CPP-controlled assembly met and voted 86 to 0 to pass the national
budget law after only three hours of deliberation. No opposition member was
present to challenge it.

*The Lotus Revolutionists*

The Khmer Lotus Revolutionists have attempted to group Cambodians of all
political-ideological tendencies into a movement to pursue three goals: 1)
to liberate Cambodia from the Vietnamese colonization; 2) to liberate the
Khmer people from the dictatorship of royalists-Communist Khmer
Rouge-CPP/Hun Sen "puppet of Vietnam"; and 3) eventually, to build a free,
independent, democratic regime based on human rights and free choice.

The Lotus Revolution members call for a boycott of Cambodia's elections –
which they charge are "rigged, manipulated, under threats and intimidation,
therefore, unfair and nonfree " that only serve to "perpetuate"
Vietnamization and dictatorship over the Motherland. They declare it
Cambodians' "sacred duty" "not to go vote, not to register as candidates."
Without effective implementation of the 1991 Paris Peace Accords and the
1993 Constitution of Cambodia, the "end justifies the means (as a last
resort!)" to attain their goals, they say.

*Some Cambodians speak*

One year ago I wrote in this space about Makara, a graduate in English
literature from the Royal University of Phnom Penh, who accused Hun Sen of
being "a thorn, the source of the country's many problems," but asserted
"not everyone" in the current regime or in the opposition is "all virtuous"
or "all evil"; that Cambodia has "good people … but we have a powerful,
selfish, greedy, family-ism (sic) leader."

Makara, who gave me permission to quote him in my article, said the
democrats can be an alternative to Hun Sen and cronies; that democratic
values and free expression are solid essential elements of durable
stability and order; and that there's no alternative to a good education
for all Cambodians. He saw opposition leader Sam Rainsy as "smart and
clever … but a bit cowardly to face Hun Sen." Rainsy "doesn't need to dare
to walk to prison," said Makara, "but who cares for a leader speaking from
abroad?"

Those were his words in 2010. Last Monday, a clearly more discouraged
Makara wrote: "I have no hope for Cambodia's prosperity, nor for the future
of poor Cambodians. The (economic) development is only for Chinese and
Vietnamese companies, and for the Vietnamese living in Cambodia."

And there is Sambath, a young political science graduate from a foreign
university who returned to Cambodia, about whom I have previously written.
He said last week that as long as the current "violent" government
continues its "activities disastrous to the nation, change will occur
unavoidably."

Sambath's words echoed Khmer senior citizen, Lokta Mek So, who also said
last week: "Distressful atmosphere is on the rise, so is the repression. If
both continue, there will be a collision in few more years." But Sambath
thinks in terms of "the next decade."

Even as a student, Sambath has been a strong advocate for political
socialization and political acculturation as necessary catalysts for
political change. He sees that the absence of "independent, critical
thought" among youths and cadres of opposition parties makes the
opposition's failure inevitable. "They talked and discussed in the same way
I have heard their political leaders or bosses have done. They colored
others in the same manner too. Sambath found the youths and cadres of the
CPP to be aggressive and disciplined.

He posited that change cannot occur "now" not because the CPP is strong,
but rather because the "opposition parties are hopeless," preoccupied with
"dividing villagers" for votes in the elections. Then Sambath offered an
opinion he had not shared in the past. He said his generation of younger
people has grown "fearless" of the authorities, and "more self-confident,"
while Cambodians in their mid-50s and older, who have experienced social
and political turmoil and war, are "too fearful" of the government, and
have not been forthcoming and helpful to the younger generation.

Sambath says Hun Sen has exploited the situation psychologically, making
threats of social and political unrest and war if the CPP is not in power.
The logic seems to be that a weak government will be torn by internal
divisions and unrest. With the CPP in power, however, there is no need to
fear unrest because the government is too powerful to be challenged.

Last week, Sambath confided: "We (my peer group and all my friends) have
concluded our primary objective is to raise political and social awareness
among Cambodian youths through a ‘youth-educate-youth' program." He
explains that the better informed will guide the less-informed to
understand their "important roles" in society.

Recall Teveakor, who was introduced in my last column. He and Lokta Mek So
and Sambath do not know one another. Teveakor, a homegrown activist, also
believes change is inevitable, but several "most important" things need to
be developed: An effective system/method of work requiring a "new
thinking," "the right people" with leadership skills, a more politically
aware citizenry. Not unlike Sambath or Lokta Mek So, Teveakor sees the
current regime as weak, with Hun Sen the only person holding the CPP
together; but regime opponents are in disarray and tend to act "without
vision, plan, strategy," and are selfish, opportunistic exploiters who can
be bought.

Teveakor believes that a good education and a more effective political
socialization of Cambodians are the best way to bring durable change to the
country, and the older generation must pass general knowledge to the
younger generation and help develop more leaders.

Though he mocked Cambodians' inclination to pray for an imaginary Cambodian
messiah, the mystical Preah Batr Thoarmmoek (Preah Batr Dhammik) to come to
their rescue, Teveakor lamented Cambodians have no leaders such as Mahatma
Gandhi or Martin Luther King, Jr.

*A monk named Monychenda *

Recently, an e-mail from a former Buddhist monk, Bikhu Monychenda, arrived
in my box. I was happy to be reconnected with him. In 1981-1982 he traveled
along the Khmer-Thai border, where we met. He was in his yellow robe
traveling Lord Buddha's path, and I was in the Khmer Resistance traveling a
different road.

The Bikhu left the monkhood and earned a master's degree in public
administration from Harvard University in 1998, but has remained a
"passionate Buddhist scholar writing many books and papers relating to
Buddhist values," wrote an interviewer in 2008.

Monychenda's "In Search of the Dhammika Ruler" (2008) discussed Cambodia's
declining "moral order." Fascinating was Monychenda's analysis from a
Buddhist scholar's standpoint of what has caused Cambodians such "great
suffering."

In his book (in Khmer), "Preah Batr Dhammik" or the "Just Ruler," (1991)
Monychenda examined how Cambodia's rulers' failure to follow Buddha's
advice (to practice the "12 duties of the great ruler"), the Buddhist
monks' failure to provide adequate teaching on the dhamma (the way of
life), and Cambodians' inability to understand and identify Preah Batr
Dhammik, as being causes for Cambodians' suffering.

Monychenda argues that Preah Batr Dhammik is just a "title" for one who
upholds Buddha's "tenfold virtues" – charity, morality, self-sacrifice,
honesty, kindness, self-control, non-anger, non-violence, tolerance,
conformity to the Law. As such, not just the king or ruler, but any person
"can and should be" Preah Batr Dhammik in contemporary Cambodia.

"I therefore propose that Cambodians begin to actively cultivate a new
Preah Batr Dhammik instead of passively waiting for Preah Batr Dhammik to
appear. It is time that we start to save ourselves before a Preah Batr
Dhammik arrives to perform his task."

In other words, Monychenda says, wait no longer. Each Khmer can start to
develop and apply the Buddhist self-help concept – first you help yourself.
I shall return to Bikhu Monychenda later in my writing.

As 2012 dawns, there are small but hopeful signs that a growing number of
Cambodians – young people and scholars among them – who understand the need
for Cambodians to shed their cultural tendency to be dependent and
submissive and replace that with a more affirming cultural value to act on
behalf of oneself and one's community as Lord Buddha has encouraged.

-----------

*About the Author**: Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth is retired from the University
of Guam, where he taught political science for 13 years. He currently lives
in the United States. He can be contacted at [email protected].
*

*The views shared in this article do not necessarily reflect those of the
AHRC, and the AHRC takes no responsibility for them.*

# # #

*About AHRC**: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional
non-governmental organisation that monitors human rights in Asia, documents
violations and advocates for justice and institutional reform to ensure the
protection and promotion of these rights. The Hong Kong-based group was
founded in 1984.*






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